Thursday, May 23, 2013

Market Wage

Let’s talk a bit about how people are paid these days.  Obviously, what will be said here are broad strokes.  Additionally, I’d like to point out, there are bigger name economists out there (ie. assume I’m a person with no technical expertise on the subject).

What is the defining aspect of the way today’s economic pie is split?  Executives and business owners are the purse holders deciding how profit is split.  Shareholders are given dividends based on shares owned.  Finally, workers are paid by something colloquially known as the “market wage”.

What does this mean in practice?

Executives and business owners get to decide how profit in the company is split but really how much power do they possess.  On paper, business owners have no one to listen to, there’s no shareholders and at worst they run a partnership and must split decision making with a few others.  Executives have board meetings, shareholder meetings, must pass through shareholder votes and must oblige to the demands of the shareholders.  In reality, the executives hold more power.  How do I make such a determination?  By the commanding split of the pie they receive.

The most likely explanation is visibility.  A business owner who pays workers 0.005% of the revenue and then pays himself the leftover, versus a corporation that does the same, is likely to see a much larger negative impact on morale.  Ignore, for a moment, the difference in profit margin (ie. assume the business owner pays a percentage that matches the salary of a corporate worker, even if the corporate worker is earning a smaller percentage of the pie).  It’s still very visible that the worker is getting an insignificant cut of the pie and would still more heavily damage morale.

For shareholders what is their slice of the pie?  It’s fairly variable.  Half of shares are owned through institutions.  That means mutual funds and other such financial instruments own half of companies.  But who owns those mutual funds and other investments?  Typically individuals in the upper end of the middle class and above.  That is, most Americans are not involved in institutional ownership at all.  Moreover, of those who are shareholders, very few ever vote in shareholder meetings.  This ends up softening demand for high dividend returns.

Further reducing the need to pay out dividends is stock speculation.  Many purchase stocks to bet on price changes rather than long term gain.  This in turn further reduces the need to pay dividends.  As long as money is invested in the company, which pushes up the stock price, it will in turn attract further investment on the betting.  People are not interested in earning dividends, they wish to earn money off trading stocks.  So shareholders end up earning a significant but secondary amount of money through dividends.  First picks still go to the executives.

For workers, they as you would expect have the least negotiation power and thus the smallest slice of the pie.  They are paid by market wage or not at all.  In practice, businesses will hire workers based on the market wage (the value of the market wage being an average of what businesses are offering, any individual business could be above/below said wage but they are essentially still offering a wage based on a market thus a market wage).  And by not at all, I mean to say that if a business is not making sufficient profit to afford a worker at that wage then they will choose not to hire at all.  Additionally, no one will offer above the market wage without special consideration (such as a very small business with personal relationships with the workers or family employees).

Essentially, what this means, is that workers will be paid as lowly as possible without severely impacting the bottom line.  This is a complex interaction of businesses, worker skill supply and profit margins.  Bottom line is heavily affected by worker productivity and productivity is dependent on not just skill.  It is important for businesses to remember that motivated and passionate workers with high morale equates to high productivity.  Worker morale depends mostly on the perception of fairness and options, so if a situation is highly unfair (being paid a very small slice of the pie despite making up a significant fraction of the workforce) then it must be balanced by a lack of options (no other businesses to flee to for a better wage offer).

This of course leads us into the heart of the discussion; market wage.

It has already been hinted throughout the discussion here that pay is based on market interactions.  That’s simply a statement of facts, not an opinion on the matter.  Here on out, it is now a normative discussion of how I believe the economic arrangement should be shifted toward for a stronger economy.

What is the ultimate effect of a market wage economy?  A market wage necessarily implies that workers must be paid some fraction of profit produced for a corporation (and for the moment don’t subtract salary/wage costs from revenue yet because we are trying to calculate what the salary should be).  This means that the majority of profit goes into the hands of what I’ll call the “business elite” (I use the term loosely since many business owners will unlikely feel very “elite”).  For a capitalist economy, the question at this point is likely “so what?”.

Well, if we extend this scenario over a few decades, we have a revenue that is disproportionately moving toward a small segment of the society.  But where do businesses earn money from?  Society.  Therefore, if workers are consistently handling less and less percentage of the yearly generated wealth, they are less able to purchase goods.  That means that businesses will have to source their revenue from the elite rather than from the general public because there is less money there to be made.  One should expect these trends:

  • Decreasing middle class and increasing percentage of population in poverty
  • Stagnant or decreasing median household income
  • Increasing percentage of wealth in the hands of the elite
  • Decreased profitability of businesses per dollar invested

But of course, this isn’t necessarily true because wealth doesn’t simply pass through based on salary alone.  There are taxes and there is new wealth generated.  Taxes damper the income of the elite and pass it toward the middle class and the poor.  When new wealth is generated, a decreasing slice of a growing pie can still equate to greater wealth.  Additionally, governments typically use fiat currencies these days, print money, cause inflation and use that as a tool to improve the income of the lower and middle classes (though mind you, inflation tax can also hurt the same people).

What do we currently see in the United States and Canada?  Stagnant and decreasing middle class income.  Increasing poverty.  Is there decreasing profitability in the American business space?

This is a little hard to calculate.  We can pull up some numbers:

In 2012, United States had 2,095.1 billion in non-residential investment.[1]  Or from CIA world factbook, investment was 12.9% of 15.65 trillion, which means about 2018 billion.[2]  Those numbers look pretty similar.

For 2012, France had a GDP of 2580 billion, with roughly 19.9% of it in gross fixed investments which translates to about 513 billion.

Let’s choose a few more countries: Canada, Sweden, Germany and Greece.

Canada: 1770 billion GDP, investment at 23.7% therefore 419 billion
Sweden: 520 billion GDP, investment at 18.2% therefore 94.6 billion
Germany: 3367 billion GDP, investment at 17.8% therefore 599 billion
Greece: 255 billion GDP, investment at 10.4% therefore 26.5 billion

Okay, now then, how do we figure out profitability?  Well that’s the hard part.  Corporations play shell games with their income so it’s very difficult to tell where they are earning their money and where their revenue is sourced.

For 2012, the United States Bureau of Economic Analysis indicated that corporate profits were 1560.6 billion.  But unfortunately that probably includes income from foreign sources.  So let’s look at specific companies.  Google earned 54% of its revenue from outside the United States.[3]  That number is similar for other corporations but the numbers/reports are hard to find.

Ultimately, it’s hard to make a statement with such limited numbers.  As far as I can tell half of corporate revenue for American corporations is sourced from outside the United States.  I would like to state that the super-majority of investment dollars put in by American corporations are put into America (and operating costs such as advertistments, sales relations, enterprise relations etc).  And if that means only half their income is from America but they spend most of their money in America that would be circumstantial evidence pointing toward decreasing profitability on American soil.

In the time frame of a few decades if we continue to see that investment in America does not see the same return as dollars invested in Europe or Asia, we’re likely to see American corporations source greater revenue from non-Americans.  But that is bad for the American economy.

Businesses earn money through individuals in society giving them their money.  Total gross domestic income must equal gross domestic spending (money you save would count as “spending” in the category of investments and such).  When the split of profits moves disproportionately toward the elite then it means the area where you must make your sales moves more toward the elite.  Your profit margin on anyone else is decreasing afterall.

So over a span of say 50-100 years, this type of wealth imbalance implies that for businesses to cope and maintain revenue in the United States they must gear themselves toward selling to the poor (such as Walmart) or toward the rich (luxury cars, yachts, low-level services such as landscaping, house cleaning etc).

However, that tends toward becoming incredibly inefficient.  By quantity of goods produced, the industries geared towards the poor will be much more prevalent but their actual profit margins will be low and thus make up less of the corporate profits as a percentage despite making up a significant fraction of corporate revenue (similar to how Blackberry has a very large market share outside North America but because those are mostly poorer markets, the profit margins are low and thus Blackberry turns a small total profit).  Goods produced at the low end will have to be made as cheaply and efficiently as possible.  So overall, it’s not much of a concern to a libertarian but is one to a socially conscience individual (having 90% of Americans with cheap unsafe goods isn’t ideal).

For elite industries the problem is that they are inherently inefficient.  The rich are spending for status and/or opulence and only a small portion goes toward real quality increases.  And since a much more significant fraction of revenue is in elite industries it implies significant deadweight.  One has to remember that the only way businesses make money is through people spending on their goods/services, which means that if the elite make 90% of the income then 90% of your sales must come from the elite (as a total for all business income).  And what happens if 70% of the cost of a good is not going towards real value addition?  Then 63% (90% * 70%) of your economy is pure deadweight.

Today is a world of globalisation and what it means for countries like the United States or Canada is that they are not operating in a vacuum.  Poor business profitability on American soil equates nearly instantly to decreased foreign investment and ultimately a decrease in long-term standard of life.

What happens if we pay people by revenue generated?

This will mean several things.  Individuals working for successful corporations will directly earn more money.  In the current system, the only way it holds true is if unions are capable of arguing for higher wages (but in a globalised society that is difficult with outsourcing) or workers are paid with significant equity (basically never happens outside of small start-up companies).  In general, if everyone is paid based on value addition to a company (the revenue they generate and a cut of the profits), then industries need not specialise in any manner toward the rich or the poor.  The people with the most money are business owners, shareholders and workers who work for the most successful businesses.

Now, this doesn’t automatically equate to better long-term economic conditions.  People will still have to be choosing to buy goods/services based on value addition.  They will still have to petition government to make the right decisions to create a healthy business, political and economic environment.  What it does eliminate is the imposed wealth imbalance over the long-term.  Businesses, over time, will not have to gear themselves toward strangely adhering to the demands of the super poor and super rich.  They can simply make decisions on creating sensible products based on value addition.

One of the results of eliminating forced wealth imbalance is the ability for society to wean away from what I’ll call “deadweight” goods/services.  The more the cost of the product pays for value addition the better.  Generally speaking, the concept is that standard of living (the money per person per year to spend on goods/services) should equate to a better life.  The argument against consumerism in this case is that if you’re mostly spending for consumerist goals (for instance replacing your iPhone every six months) then you’re losing the opportunity cost of that money to have purchased additional goods that you might have otherwise enjoyed and made your life materially richer.  For instance, instead of buying a new smartphone every six months to get the latest and greatest, you buy one every four to five years.  The money you save you instead spend on higher quality groceries and you enjoy better health as a result (health being a major factor for happiness).  So anti-consumerism isn’t necessarily anti-materialism, just more about being efficient about your materialism (which probably sounds a bit ironic).

Another hope of profit-based pay is that it increases worker morale.  For one thing, it is definitely seen as more “fair”.  If a division of a corporation with five hundred workers is generating a billion dollars but they’re paid 25k to 30k a year, no one will feel it makes sense that out of the 2 million dollars per person, only 1.25% is left to pay for their salary.  And of course since income goes up with increased productivity it is definitely an incentive for working harder.  When a business demands you to be motivated, passionate and put in time on weeknights and weekends, you directly receive a cut of your work so why not?  Previously, businesses argue for workers to put in this time yet pay them market wage; where is the incentive to work harder?

There are other hopeful tangential benefits.  In 2012, the US GDP per capita was roughly 49 800.  That is for every single man, woman and child in America.  Obviously only a quarter of Americans actually work because the rest are children or need to take care of the home.  The average economic household in America was 2.58 people.[4]  So that means the average economic household (through evil communism) would earn $128 484 USD per year.  What is the actual median household income in America?  It is about $50 502 per year.[5]  Compare that with the slightly higher Canadian household income of $69 860 CAD (the exchange rate puts that at roughly the same number in USD).[6]  I would hope to increase median household incomes closer to the $128k mark because really it’s a result of American worker productivity to achieve those gains why should they not benefit from it?

And right now incomes are below the “happiness increase” cut-off.  Beyond $75 000 annual income it doesn’t buy you happiness anymore.[7]  Seeing as how neither US or Canada has reached that level, then there is incentive to continue pushing up median income.  Generally, we’d like to have everyone above 75k/year which implies a median income far higher than 75k (or a median income near 75k with low standard deviation).

Of course, how do you calculate revenue-based income?  Well there is the issue that yearly profit for a corporation is not static or increasing at a known rate.  The easiest way would be to base pay on “expected” profit over a multi-year period (with costs not including wages/salaries) and to pay a certain fraction of that amount while banking the rest.  When times are tough in a bear-ish market cycle, then you pull money out of the bank to shore up salaries until later when times are good again.

As well, what about differences in skill level?  Skill sector?  Well probably you can arrange pay similar to cooperative organisations where pay is a “share”.  Thus a worker earns 1 share and the manager would earn 6 shares and the owner earns perhaps 9 shares.  However the arrangement one would imagine it does not mimic today’s corporate world where the CEO earns 320x-400x the average worker (and about 750-800x the lowest worker).  It would be hard to imagine workers agreeing to such a low share.

Paying vastly disproportionate amount of income for those who do not produce that much more value addition for a corporation is also deadweight from the perspective of the organisation itself.  It is rewarding the absence of work with more pay and punishing the hardworking with less pay.  This creates incentives to do less work and would likely hurt productivity.

When we look at the real world in practice, people are readily willing to accept those disproportionate wages because of the lack of ability to negotiate.  With few businesses to offer jobs, large businesses have no incentive to pass on their high profit margins in the form of high salaries to workers.  It is incredibly profitable for corporations in the short-term to offer market wages.  However, the long term effects would damage productivity.  The United States would see itself fall behind in every social index and it has already done in the last few decades (education and health now usually rank near-bottom in OECD statistics these days).  Further, despite number of hours worked the actual real output will fall behind other nations.  I feel it is important to stress that the United States is only doing well if it outcompetes other nations on the same indices, otherwise it is simply fooling itself.

Interestingly, the multi-year payment scheme means corporations need to think about retaining talent and bring back the pre-1980s corporate mentality that the business you work for tries to take care of you and return to a world of company loyalty.  Right now we live in a strange world where businesses demand high company loyalty but perform none of the retention practices (notice for instance the number of business articles encouraging people to skip post-secondary education to immediately start contributing to the business world, be passionate, be motivated, work weekends, work nights... but where’s the pay?  Concerned about pay?  Then you shouldn’t be hired!).

Profit based pay will produce a more efficient economy and a more equitable one to live in.

[1] http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1#reqid=9&step=3&isuri=1&903=5
[2] https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/
[3] http://investor.google.com/earnings/2012/Q4_google_earnings.html
[4] http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br-14.pdf
[5] http://www.census.gov/prod/2012pubs/acsbr11-02.pdf
[6] http://www.statcan.gc.ca/tables-tableaux/sum-som/l01/cst01/famil108a-eng.htm
[7] http://www.pnas.org/content/107/38/16489

Tuesday, May 7, 2013

Tale of Two Criminals


It's been some time since the last post mostly because there was the IdleNoMore movement and I wanted to wait and see the political fallout.  On one hand I was hopeful, the different native tribes of Canada was fed up with their government and the non-native Federal government and wanted change.  The political landscape of the world was ripe for democratic demands.  It was a people based protest.

In the end nothing happened.  By and large, most non-native Canadians aren't concerned with long standing poverty issues in native areas.  What the reasons may be are likely multitude but not the point of this post so I'll move on and simply say I am disappointed that Canada, in general, didn't utilise that unique opportunity for positive change.

Instead, what I'd like to talk about is a reasoned approach to high profile crime in Canada.  There are two cases I am focusing on and while I dislike giving infamy to criminals I will speak their names.  The brutal murderer who made a film of the act (Luke Magnotta) and the terror suspect in the Via derailment plot (Raed Jaser).  There are a few issues I'd like to tackle.  First is a broad based opinion on how this type of crime comes about and what we might do to lessen it (in an effort to eliminate it).  Second is the topics that are usually discussed that are wholly irrelevant to the crimes and that detract greatly from useful debate in Canada.  Third is a long standing and unfortunate issue that surrounds racism.  Racism is treated last because speaking about it only points out a continuing problem in the country but does not speak about solutions (which are not race-based).

Crime is a topic of much discussion and debate, especially with respect to how it comes about.  I'm not a criminologist and I don't hold that much expertise so as far as my discussion goes, I can only give broad opinions.  The two people are accused of heinous crimes (at the time of this writing, they have yet to be convicted as far as I know but their convictions are likely to come soon after this post).  How they came to be is hard to say.  But there may be broad issues affecting Canadians statistically that result in individual criminals.

One thing is mental health issues.  A person doesn't have to be crazy to commit crimes but they can be put under pressure or other circumstances that greatly increase the likelihood of crime.  For instance, investigation into the so-called "warrior gene" showed that its expression is largely dependent on a person's life.  That is to say that the environment was more important.  Tracking the mental health of Canadians isn't something we do right now and we certainly don't put much money into combat those stress factors.  We could in general reduce  this type of crime by improving the mental health and the mental health monitoring of Canadians.

Imagine for instance that rather than let the murderer of Jun Lin carry out his plan that it could have been pinpointed by medical professionals that there was a problem and it was privately dealt with.  That would be pretty amazing but even if you can catch a few people like this, wouldn't that be worth it?  Mental health issues in general reduce secondary costs, such as policing, when cops don't have to detain ill individuals on the street causing trouble.

Additionally, there is a lack of low-level soft measures to identify problems and move to solve them.  This is very difficult with Jun Lin's murder (since identifying violent behaviour with individuals is quite impossible as of right now) but much easier with terrorism.  In the case of the Via plot, the individuals who brought the man to justice were primarily imams working at mosques concerned about the rhetoric being said by Jaser.  This type of community involvement of Muslim communities ensuring safety within their own ranks and involving police as a last resort is actually the solution you want to implement.

Why is that the preferred solution?  A person isn't a criminal until they commit a crime or at least start the process of committing one.  Any time before that if you can convince them away from the action, then they are not and never were criminals.  What is the cost to society?  Far less than letting a crime happen and then having to clean up the mess afterward.  That's why it's important for Canadian police to continue to build trust with places such as Muslim communities and it's important for non-Muslims to recognise that Jasper was caught because imams identified him to the police.

Let's talk about the problem of the discussion of these issues.

In general, we don't want to think that a normal (well Jasper wasn't Canadian but he lived in Canada for twenty years) person can simply turn to terrorism over time.  Instead there claims about how the "immigration system let someone slip through the cracks".  Do we seriously believe Jasper was a terrorist at six years old when he came as an illegitimate refugee and waited twenty years to hatch his evil plot?  That is quite the claim.  The more likely problem?  He was ignored by Canadian society and turned to terrorism and his community rejected him for it and turned him over to the police when they failed to push him away from the path of violence.

What we, as the rest of Canadians, should recognise is how someone was pushed onto the path of violence in the first place.  For too many people, attempting to understand a situation equates to justifying it and thus reject any and all solutions to the problem and are content to live with continued terrorism.  Instead, what Canada as a mature democratic society needs to do is identify how a person could feel rejected, how they are rejected and how to lessen that.

As a small extension to that, think about the three very Canadian individuals involved in the gas plant attack.  There is no way you can call those people "not Canadian" and scoff that off as a problem of the immigration system.  They were simply jobless youth with nothing to live for.  They weren't particularly skilled and we can't start deporting them.  More than twenty percent of Canadians live below the poverty line, should we deport them as well?  They were people easily convinced to go die for something because Canada offered them nothing to live for.

It's not a simple problem.  Everything is at fault.  The economy, the politics, the social system.  And so we'd like to believe in magical easy solutions.  Let's ban immigration!  That'll solve everything.  But it won't.  Crime will still happen.  We have to strive over the next few decades in trying to tackle poverty, to give people more economic freedom, to tackle divisive politics, to give people more hope in life, we have to tackle gaps in the social system, simplifying it and making it easier for people to ask for help.  We have to be willing to give help to people that are in need, whether for economic reasons or perhaps even mental ones.  We have to eliminate the stigmas attached to that to allow people at the lowest ends of society the opportunity to move into the middle class.

Lastly, as an extension to the previous discussion I move onto racism.

Generally, I don't like to talk about racism because I'd like to think that Canada is not racist.  Although, in all honesty, I think it is more classist than it is racist, racism rears its ugly head every now and then.

Compare the murder of Jun Lin with the debacle of the greyhound bus.  The immediate discussion following the greyhound incident was about immigration.  Not mental health issues.  Not job stress.  Not the problem of unemployment that led to the development of mental health issues (the ultimate cause of the problem).  People felt that excused a person who shouldn't be in Canada committing a murder.

But with Luke Magnotta, we immediately repatriated him from Germany in order to stand trial for murder.  There was no discussion of immigration.  Afterall, we can't exactly deport 70% of Canadians from Canada (and where would they even go?).  Though it still didn't exactly follow a "what was the root cause", the discussion was marginally better due to the lack of racism.  And that creates a roadblock when we want to stop these events from reoccurring.

Not only can we not deport Magnotta, we had to repratriate him and he will likely spend life in jail here in Canada on our tax dollars.  That's what we have to do because we never prevented him from committing murder.

What would have been preferable?  Two crimes caused by presumably mentally ill individuals should warrant the exact same discussion.  Why?  The solution to both problems would be similar because they are similar problems.  Unfortunately, Canada is capable of turning them into two different problems.

In finality, Canada is a country that must continue to strive to make itself more equal in all senses.  We need only look at countries with superior quality of life and notice how their governments care more to tackle mental health, economic inequality and notice that in the long run they have less serial killers (or otherwise horrific murderers) in general, they suffer less terrorism (and the terrorists they do have are much less successful) and suffer less crime.  People talk about easy and hard solutions and doing the right thing even if it's hard.  They're usually equating "easy" with "left" solutions and "hard" with "right" solutions.  That usually means spending money to tackle social problems or in the latter case, it is the fault of the people with problems that they have problems and thus you do nothing.

Canada needs to do the hard thing: it has to tackle its social issues instead of ignoring them.

Wednesday, February 20, 2013

Native Funding

One of the long standing issues facing Canadian politics is how to relieve the perpetually high poverty rates blighting many communities across the country.  Most of the solutions usually involve some sort of micro funding which is direct and targeted for programs which typically have clear objectives.  For instance, perhaps a provincial government wants to specifically increase transit in Toronto and will spend 1.5 billion dollars and put it in hands of the city government to handle.  Or maybe it is a Federal grant to local businesses to expand employment.

Whether they work or not is a different question but they have objectives which can be measured.  Grant didn't do much for employment in a 10-year period?  Perhaps it is time to rethink the idea.

Yet, while those types of policies can be easily discussed, they are typically completely ignored for the largest area of poverty in Canada; native/aboriginal communities (or First Nations, I'm not clear which is the best term to use).  Let's face it.  If I said "there is poverty in Attawapiskat", the first response is "it's their own fault".  If I said "there is poverty in St. Catherines", the first response is "how can government get rid of it?".

I'll come back to that roadblock at the end.  Let's talk solutions first.

The first is the typical slew of anti-poverty programs any poor community gets.  I've seen many but I'm not clear on the efficacy on all of them but I'll list them out:

  • Community programs for youths to give them something to do other than criminal activity to find purpose
  • School attendance payments, giving financial incentives to go to school to make it a better opportunity cost of time if your family is low on money rather than committing gang activity
  • Small business/family business grants, money specifically used to create more jobs in a community
  • Infrastructure development to spur economic growth (roads, hospitals, schools, water/sewage etc)
So those are pretty good but actually, when it comes to native communities there's a serious problem.  The Federal government, responsible for administering 600+ native communities (of about 700) does not even provide the basics.  What do I mean by that?  Ever heard of a community in Canada without drinking water?  Well, 70% of Ontario's reserves don't have clean drinking water.  When you don't even have drinking water, I'm not really sure how you can have anything else (you can't even run a proper restaurant because the water isn't safe).  I doubt that anybody would have ever thought that you shouldn't "drink the water" in any Canadian community.

That's just the start of it, so what would the best suggestion be for getting the basics done right?  Well here is an article that speaks about funding issues:

http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2013/02/15/f-first-nations-accountability-faq.html

Most people believe that accountability is a problem in native reserves.  It is... but not in the way people believe.  For instance, in the article itself it states that 81% of Canadians want native reserves to have external auditors.  They already have external auditors.  Why are Canadians demanding something be done that is already done?  Unfortunately, there is widespread ignorance about existing government programs and how the system works in general.

What is key to notice is that of the 600+ communities run by the Federal government, not a one has any proper spending.  When the First Nations asked for an auditor general the government actually refused.  That is odd considering that Harper regime stated that one of its goals is accountability.  Why no Auditor General for native spending?

Actually, what is more key to notice is that the 30 or so self-run native communities perform far far better without having to be beholden to the Federal government.  That is, letting natives run themselves is a better idea. 

Well, it makes sense.  Think about it like this.  Native communities aren't full of incompetent simpleton savages which need White Man to save them.  Sound racist?  That's because our rulership of their communities is nothing but 1800s racism right in your face.  When you let them have self-government and you treat them and view them as real equivalent human beings what you get are a people who have the power to do things themselves, a government accountable to them (rather than Chiefs being accountable to the Harper regime) then you have a people vested in their government and vested in programs that improve their situation.

Self-run government is the first step to better native communities and tackling poverty issues.  Next would be to include aboriginals in the equalization formula.  Although it is a bit confusing with so many different aboriginal communities, it is imperative that we as a country ensure that every single community has the proper funding to build out government services to allow economic success.

Next are a slew of strange legislation, born out of the 1870s (and somewhat before) that were designed specifically to destroy aboriginal communities.  Most Canadians aren't aware of these laws and maybe they don't want to be aware, they however exist.

  • Aboriginal governments mostly do not have the power to levy taxes
  • Most land is community-owned but not allowed for development, the only way natives can let it be developed is to forever give up ownership (if you are not aware, that is not the case with provincially owned land, you pay land taxes to the province when you "own" it and the same should be done with native owned treaty land)
  • Due to the way the land ownership works, natives are also disallowed from mortgages
  • Also due to the way land ownership works, even if a native reserve managed to allow housing development to occur on their land, they can't charge taxes
There's more but those are the bigger ones on the plate.  Basically the idea behind most of these laws was to make it impossible for natives to see economic success without giving up their culture.  We don't ask Irish to give up Catholicism to become participating members of Canadian society, we should not ask natives to give up their culture to participate in the wider part of Canadian society and enjoy similar economic success.  What's the problem with being able to speak a third language or to know about the Haudenosaunee Confederacy?

And let me drive the point home how incredibly frightening it is to have a society be so oblivious to these problems.  Imagine I was to say that you are not allowed to learn English.  That if you practice Anglicanism and not Catholicism then you will be beaten publicly and executed later if you do not conform.  Imagine a foreign government controls your government and its spending, so no matter who you vote for locally it doesn't matter because they have no actual power.  Imagine I told you that if you sold your house and its land, you will never be able to own land again until you give up your citizenship.  Imagine that I told you, you weren't allowed to learn your own history, that you had to learn a foreign country's history.

Does it sound like 1984?  Well it's happening right here, right now.  Don't pull the excuse of "I'm not racist".  You probably aren't.  But systems can be racist without individual participants in them being so.

Picture for instance if the Federal government were to say that everyone in Prince George, due to their insanely high crime rate, loses right to self-government.  No one there may vote.  All of their taxes go to the Federal government.  In turn, the Federal government will require an external auditor to look at any funds that the Federal White Affairs Minister decides to disperse into the community.  For every payment to the community, there is a requirement for several reports to be made to ensure accountability.  The list of salaries of all employees must be published otherwise funding will be cut.

Sound like an idiotic plan?  Then stop saying it's a solution to native poverty.

Wednesday, October 3, 2012

AI Bureaucracy

As a thought experiment, let us pretend that we are running a society via an AI bureaucracy.  The objective is to meet everyone's material and non-material demands as best as possible via the most efficient arrangement of labour through "soft" policies (ie. not forcing anyone to do anything but carefully arranging society to meet changing demands).  There is no money, only productivity rates to provide the goods needed.

Just pretend we're developing an AI for a game that has a running economy in it.  It wants to have a set of rules of how to arrange its people into various roles to provide a good challenge for a player.  It's not going to run "naturally" (ie. market like), it will run its society in a carefully managed economy.

We'll step through the thought scenario through an iterative process, making it more and more complex as we go along but start off with a solid and at least theoretically possible base.  This experiment makes a few immediate assumptions:

The AI is self-improving, so any errors that exist will slowly be corrected over time.
The AI bureaucracy is not corrupt, it simply runs its publicly available algorithm to provide for everyone and all information is available (like StatCan, SCB or Bureau of Labor Statistics).
The government costs zero dollars to redistribute goods
There is no crime or other factors affecting the economy

We'll strike down some of these assumptions as we go along, but for now, let's just start with a working example.  We can use this model later and compare against some real world economic arrangements and see how well they are doing to what we'll eventually develop as our "optimal" situation (for instance, comparing against different free market economies and mixed socialist-market economies)

We'll try to keep adding to this model until we can make it possible to conduct comparisons between different styles of arrangement and have this model look at how the market arrangement compares with the "optimal" arrangement.

In all the discussion, the idea is to spend as little as possible on "necessities" of life (things that without which you die), then spend as much as possible on luxuries.

The Simple Model


Okay, so let's say we have an incredibly simple economy with all workers equal in skill and completely interchangeable.

This is the output of each worker if they spent their entire time in that industry for a "cycle".

Farmer: 10 Food
Clay Digger: 100 Clay
Potter: 10 Pots, -20 Clay

We'll say that each person needs to eat 1 food.  That is, over indulgence in food doesn't matter right now.  Then we spend the rest as efficiently into luxuries as possible (because there are no other things to spend on).  Each unit of food requires 1/10 of a person's labour per cycle.  Each pot requires 1/10 person-labour to make the pot and 2/100 to get the clay for the pot.

Each Person
Food: 1 Food -> 10%
Pots: 90% -> 7.5 Pots

Industry labour arrangement:
Food: 10%
Clay Digger: 15%
Potter: 75%

Education

Everyone is paid 1 food, 7.5 pots regardless of profession and everyone works at the same level of productivity.  As everyone is putting forth exactly the same effort at exactly the same skill level and are completely interchangeable (a potter making 10 pots a day could instead make 10 food, thus if both create food or pots at that rate, then they are effectively the same), this is also "fair".  Let's make this scenario more complicated.  Let's add education requirements for each profession to add a cost to get a person able to do that job.

Farmer (10 Education): 10 Food
Clay Digger (20 Education): 100 Clay
Potter (40 Education): 10 Pots, -20 Clay

People being educated eat food but produce nothing.  We'll say that the conversion rate is 1 food = 1 education (that is, a person learning eats extra food, we could model this differently with teachers but we'll keep it simple for now).  So in essence, a farmer takes 10 food to train, a clay digger 20 food and so on.  This wouldn't change our calculations unless people died of old age (because whatever education costs exist, if people lived forever, any fixed cost would tend toward being negligible in any formula).  So let's say everyone lives for 100 cycles.

Life time production
Farmer: 10 Food * (100 - 10) - 10 Food = 890 Food
Clay Digger: 100 Clay * (100 - 20) - 20 Food = 8000 Clay, -20 Food
Potter: 10 Pots * (100-40) - 40 Food = 600 Pots, -40 Food, -1200 Clay

The calculation has obviously become immediately more complex but let's "average" out life time production over 100 cycles.  Now each pot costs 16.67% of potter time plus 2.5% of digger time.  Therefore, 19.17% combined total of a person-cycle.

Each Person:
Food: 1 Food -> ~11.24%
Pots: ~88.76% -> 4.63 Pots

We've adjusted production rates for education requirements, people are as productive as any other person, so long as they have the education spent and nobody switches industry (and thus no labour retraining costs need to be calculated).  Is this fair?  Well a pot's cost under this system took into account the education requirements and averaged out the decreased output due to the education needs, while also feeding the person while being educated.

But hey, we haven't calculated the cost of the food for education did we?  (Note that at this point, percentages might not add up due to rounding errors).  The brackets indicate if we split one person into a combo of a farmer/digger/potter, do the numbers add up properly?

Industry Arrangement (accounting for time lost due to education)
Food: 11.24% (1.00 food)
Clay: 11.58% (9.26 clay)
Pots: 77.17% (4.63 pots)

Due to the higher difficulty in getting pots and food, we've had to cut down on clay production and we end up with less things overall (which is expected).  But now, we have to consider a more difficult issue where industries require food for education, therefore we'll have to reduce and shift more production to food. 

Let's try to simplify this problem.  If we need 1 pot, we use up 1/600 of the lifetime of a potter.  That is equal to 1 pot, 2 clay and 0.067 food.  So, for every 1 pot made, you are also actually demanding some quantity of food.  Essentially, we've demanded 1/600 of the time of a potter, 2/8000 of a digger and 0.067/890 of a farmer.  Combined person-cycle time per pot is then 19.92%.  Cost has gone up, which passes a sanity test at least.  Let's keep it simple and do this:

Industry Arrangement
Food: ~11.24% -> 1 Food
Pots: ~88.76% -> 4.46 pots (0.29 food)

There's a slight decrease in pot production, which has become an increase in food production.  So the actual industrial arrangement after all that is:

Industry Arrangement
Food: 14.49% (1.29 food)
Digger: 11.15% (8.92 clay)
Potter: 74.33% (4.46 pots)

In the current model, education has its cost in food.  In essence it is stating that somehow education costs food.  We could also model this as "using" someone else's time (ie. using a teacher's time) for classroom or apprentice style education.  In this sense the cost is the opportunity cost of the person not producing anything else.  That is, say if one could have produced 10 food, instead they produce 10 education.  This would model the education costs better.  In the case of having education cost a single food, then we are saying one unit of education is equal to the time that could have been used to produce one unit of food and we've already reduced the output of the student to reflect the time they spend learning.

It would be easier to show education teaching/learning efficiency changes if we explicitly measured the amount of labour going into education and performing lifetime output calculations of average workers in each industry.  For example:

Food: 10%
Education: 10%
Luxuries: 80%

But we have to be careful with lifetime production output calculations.  The longer people need to study the less their lifetime outputs but the faster they can consume education points, the more output they can create even if education costs don't change (meaning that output increases with the same amount of labour put toward it).

For example, let's say people learn slowly:

Food: 10%
Education: 10%
Luxuries: 80% (produces 5000 pots)

Then there was some improvement in their ability to consume education:

Food: 10%
Education: 10%
Luxuries: 80% (produces 6000 pots)

There was an increase in production rates with no difference in labour applied.  All incomes go up as a result of the increased output.

Government


Well that was complicated.  But are we done?  No, there's plenty more complexity we can add!

If we add in administrative cost, it is similar to education cost.  Each good produced incurs some kind of administrative cost (for redistribution, transportation and accounting) and thus shifts an ever greater amount of production toward food production (to pay for the people who do administrative work). 

How might we capture this cost?  Let's create a table of distribution costs:

Food: 1 food per 100 food (Very easy to move around and you can be rough with it)
Clay: 1 food per 50 clay (Weighs more than food, costs more to transport)
Pot: 1 food per 10 pots (Have to be careful with the pots, transport costs are high)

We can see this as a sort of "tax" much like education was a general "tax" on production rates.  We'll have to start keeping more decimal places for this.  Well now, each pot costs 1/600 of a potter, 2/8000 of a digger, 0.067/890 of a farmer and it also costs 1/10 food for pot administration and 2/50 food for clay administration.  Oh but it's more confusing than that!  See, every unit of food incurs more food cost, which in turn incurs more food cost.

No, it doesn't go into infinity (otherwise our real world would be quite broken now wouldn't it?).  It's a infinite geometric series calculation.  Luckily, brilliant mathematicians have elegantly solved this issue centuries ago.  Let's see what that means for our model.

Essentially each unit of food incurs a 1% cost, which in turn incurs a 1% cost in food.  So it is a geometric series in the form of 1 + 1/100 + 1/10000... (the formula for the sum of such a series is 1 / (1 - r), and in this case r = 1/100) and the end result is that for each 1 food, the cost is really 1.01010101 food.  The joys of keeping decimal places...

Okay, so a pot is what now?  It is 1/600 of a potter, 2/8000 of a digger, 0.067/890 * 1.01010101 of a farmer plus 1/10 food (1/10 * 1/890 * 1.01010101 of a farmer's time) for pot administration and 2/50 food (2/50 * 1/890 * 1.01010101 of a farmer's time) clay administration.

So in percentages, each pot takes up, 16.67% person-cycle of a potter, 2.5% of a digger, 0.75662997% for potter education, 1.134944955% for pot administration, 0.453977982% for clay administration.  Or 21.512219574% in total.  Actually, we forgot about the clay digger's education.  Each unit of clay can be said to have cost 0.0025 food in education (20/8000), which means with administrative costs, it is 0.002525253 food.  So let's slap that onto the cost of pottery, it's another 2 clay * 0.002525253 food, which is 0.056747248% of a farmer's time per cycle.  Total time per pot is 21.568966822% of a person-cycle.

Industry Arrangement
Food: 11.24% for 1 food => 11.34945% for 1.01010101 food
Pots: 88.65055% (21.568966822% per pot, 4.110097193 pots)

Food:  11.34945%
Clay: 10.275242983%
Pot: 68.5016199%
Clay Education: 0.233236705%
Potter Education: 3.109822716%
Clay Administration: 1.86589363%
Pottery Administration: 4.664734074%

We can think of it like this
Food:  11.34945%
Clay: 10.275242983%
Pot: 68.5016199%
Government: 9.873687125%

Actually some of that food production is administration/education.  You could probably say it is more like:

Food: 10%
Clay: 10.275242983%
Pot: 68.5016199%
Government: 11.223137125%

We can say other things like, "for every 100 people we need so much infrastructure, police, military, fire protection and so on".  Some of it is industry agnostic, thus we simply take a percentage of industry away beforehand, like food, before dumping the rest into luxuries.  Others are industry specific and "tax-like", such as education, where we roll it into the production cost of a product (such as pottery) and then pull the number out after calculation (otherwise it's very hard to calculate anything).

For instance, we may say, we need "police services" and each person assigned policing duties can produce "100 policing", and each person consumes "1 policing" per cycle.  Then the percentage labour division becomes:

Food: 10%
Policing: 1%
Luxuries: 89%

But there are a large number of things to spend on.  So it could become rather complex...

Food: 10% + education costs + administrative costs
Policing: 1% + education costs + administrative costs
Military: 10% + education costs + administrative costs
General Infrastructure: 10% + education costs + administrative costs
Luxuries: 69% - previous education/administrative costs - more education/administrative costs

On the topic of bureaucracy, they can basically be seen as individuals who produce nothing and simply eat food and take a same-share of income.  That is, they are like people who have 0% productivity yet still take a full income and therefore cause a welfare-tax on productivity equal to a single person-cycle per bureaucrat.  However, that is not to say they are not necessary but that it is easier to model them mathematical as such.  It is fun to look at it this way but perhaps actually somewhat inaccurate.

Alternatively, we can view their output as "administration" and a certain amount of "administration" is required to redistribute goods and run projects.  Then we can adjust their income in the same way as other workers.  If they are not good administrators, they are paid less, if they are excellent administrators they are paid more.  This would be a more accurate and fair reflection of the administration industry (ie. government).

For example:

Bureaucrat: Requires 40 education, produces 100 administration per cycle, average life span of 100 cycles

Therefore...

Bureaucrat: 6000 administration, -40 education

And so, a bureaucrat who produces at 150% per cycle (Which means that after education is finished, they produce at a rate of 150 administration per cycle... or 60 administration on average per cycle across their lifetime) would receive 150% income.

It is difficult to escape the needs of administration.  A large number of projects that necessarily require resources to be pooled will inherently incur some administrative cost.  For instance, single individuals cannot build a road network but a large society can afford to do so.  In order to pool the necessary resources some administrative overhead cost will be incurred.  Better administrators have lower overhead costs.

Other Tax-Like Expenditure


Then there is corruption.  This could manifest itself in certain ways.  One way is government overhead costs increase.  That is, the "effective" administrative cost is higher because some amount of the food spent on administrators disappears into oblivion.  So the average output of administrators apparently drops.  We can see that this would merely be using the example calculation above except increasing administrative costs across the board (perhaps by say 10%).

What of people performing some form of illegal taxation, property seizing, theft or other breaches of property?  That is, powerful individuals seizing the output of others?  We can consider the goods taken as "out of the formula", that is, we don't consider them.  Whoever it ends up in has bonus income but from the perspective of the system the goods have disappeared into oblivion.  So the goods that are left over are worth more in terms of person-cycle time.  Calculations would be adjusted to see a drop in industrial output for a particular industry (let's say damned barbarians take, on average, one pot per worker each cycle, then the apparent effective output of a potter is now 5 pots on average per cycle rather than 6 pots).

But say some spending lowers this drop in output.  Military spending lowers the drop in effective industrial output due to external factors such as a barbarian invasion or an attacking foreign power.  Policing can lower property crimes.  Government audits can lower corruption.  Then one has to judge the "trade-off" costs.  For spending put into policing/military/auditing, does it offset enough of the loss in production to justify it?

So for example, a person can produce 10 food, or 100 policing and each policing eliminates 1 food lost to production.  That's a good trade, 10% of a person-cycle regained for 1% of a person-cycle spent, a net gain of 9% of a person-cycle at the current production levels (ie. it's obviously a bad trade if there's no corruption to eliminate).

Another example, barbarians come knocking on your door every person-cycle and take 200 pots from your store room.  But every military unit lowers that by 50 pots.  You trade 100% of a person-cycle for 500% of a person-cycle.  Of course, military calculations are hard.  People die in battle and that puts a real dent in your economy (because obviously that's all we care about, as we're being heartless monsters right now).  So indeed, lifetime calculations are important here.  A person's lifetime output as a soldier, on average, is judged against the person-cycles he recovers over the same time period.   Society would shift it all the way to net zero (ie. produce just enough soldiers until additional soldiers do not have their cost justified by a similar reduction of loss due to military threats).

Notice also that natural problems (eg. a hurricane) end up looking exactly like a tax.  Corruption is like a tax, natural disasters are like a tax, heck even barbarians are like a tax.  Interestingly, from a mathematical standpoint, an AI can treat all factors lowering productivity as a tax and average out the rate of loss.

But, what is different between those events is what it costs to lower the damage each may do (natural disasters can be mitigated through infrastructure development, barbarian invasions lowered by military spending etc.) and the standard deviation in the events they cause.  Dealing with more transient events require much more complicated calculations because it's not actually possible to average out spending over a long period of time to deal with impulse events.  We can deal with that issue later.

Worker Productivity and Income


So two things we've done so far: all workers are equally productive and all workers can be retrained to do another job at the expected productivity level (ie. a person who was once a coal miner can be retrained and then turned into a perfectly average computer programmer).  We'll tackle the first problem first, as it is easier to deal with.

Let us say that the productivity of a worker is solely a function of motivation and skill.  The distribution doesn't need to be symmetrical; we use average production rate as our baseline.

If we wish to have income correlate with productivity, the simplest solution is to give everyone a number of goods equal to their percentage of average productivity.  A farmer producing 15 food receives 150% goods, and a farmer producing 5 food only receives 50% of goods.  The economy would maintain its balance, since all output is consumed with net zero.

But, we may wish to distribute goods in a somewhat more complicated manner.  Satisfy food first, then adjust luxury distribution to maintain the correct percentage difference between each person.  This prevent starvation so everyone keeps working at their current level.

However, that causes a problem where people who are exceptionally unproductive creates deadweight because if they are to be paid 1 food per cycle, then people who are working very hard (or are very skilled) have to start turning some of that person-cycle into food rather to be given to the other person.  That is, they have some of their income taxed for those who have low skill/motivation.

If skill/motivation shifts over time (but the average is always maintained) then this makes sense.  Someone who might be working at 115% one day may, for some reason (say family problems) drop down to 5% productivity, which is insufficient for even 1 food per cycle.  We can view this percent of workers operating below the "sufficient productivity" line as creating a drop in apparent output, like that of a tax.  That is, we need more farmers than usual to make up for the low skill/motivation workers.  And it only makes sense to do this if we imagine skill/motivation can change over time.

But, then again, skill/motivation might not ever go above adequate productivity to justify the food.  Why would you provide food then?  Well in real life some people are equivalent to low skill/motivation individuals but have extenuating circumstances that justify the issue.  For instance, a person who is heavily disabled may not be able to provide much output.  This is more of a moral question but in general, most progressive societies believe it is a good trade-off for the cost (afterall, this model so far doesn't include non-material wealth such as social bonds).

Skill Shift


Over time, newer workers are likely to be more productive than older workers for various reasons with an increasingly sharp difference the further along the technology is due to the rate of improvement of productivity.  For instance, let's say there's a turnover rate of 10% of workers in an industry per 10 person-cycles.  The oldest 10% die of old age and the youngest 10% who enter the workforce are more productive.

This means that if say the newest 10% workers are 20% more productive, the industry overall sees an average production rate increase of 2%.  Older workers will see their income drop slightly (but mitigated by earning a lower percentage of a larger income).  The more industries that exist, the worse the problem (because they would suffer a 2% drop in income share, due to their productivity falling when compared to the average but the economic pie only increases by something less than 2%).

For example:

If 50% of labour goes into pottery now, a 2% increase in the average due to better new workers sees only a 1% increase in total income for everyone but a (roughly) 2% drop in income for the older workers.

If we wish to have people not be concerned with a drastically dropping income over time because of newer technologies, we could fix income to productivity ranges.  Alternatively, income can be based on expected productivity rates (therefore the younger workers get a similar share of the pie despite being more productive because they are using the same amount of effort).

For example:

Old Potter: 600 pots lifetime production
New Potter: 620 pots lifetime production

The newer worker's income is based on the 620 calculation, but the old worker stays within the same calculation for income.

Income is simply the entire society's production (in real world terms this would be the GDP) split equally between each person and then adjusted for productivity rates.  All production should be equivalently consumed, with some production taxed in some way (either evenly or weighted toward more productive workers) to pay for individuals whose productivity falls below minimum levels needed to earn an income necessary for survival.


Skill Supply


There are several possible ways to model skill supply and we should go through each to see which might make the most sense to apply to the economic model. 

First, let's say each person is capable of doing each job with some random level of skill.  We could model this as a list of max productivity rates (compared to the average) per job.

Second, we could say each person has a general "competence" level.  This affects their productivity rate similarly between all jobs.

Third, we can mix the two.  A person has only broad competence levels, each affecting a wide range of tasks similarly.

When compared to the real world, we might hypothesize that people are much more like the third model.  Certainly, cavemen could have some hypothetical skill level for operating a robotics plant of modern society but more generally it would look more like humans have general intellectual capacities for different tasks and this translates into different industries depending on the technology of the society.  Education gears those general human capabilities into useful industrial skills.

That is to say, someone might be generally good at purely physical tasks, understanding their own body and it's capabilities and muscle control.  Another might be better at micro-control of muscles for more specific physical tasks (such as trade skills or sculpting).  Others would be good at abstract level thinking and problem solving (good for tasks such as a doctor).  But these skills might mix, for instance, a surgeon needs good hand control and a highly intelligent mind.

What would this mean exactly?  Well we could model this as a logarithmic function where f(x) defines their productivity level.  This would mean that the lower portion of workers are completely incapable of doing the job and then a slow increase and it levels off near 100%.

So, now we can have incredibly difficult industries and easier industries.  As usual, let's start off easy.  We apply a boolean threshold function to our original logarithmic model.  In simple terms, a certain percentage of the population can do the job and they otherwise cannot (ie. 0% productivity).

Okay, so now what issues might come up?

Skill Supply:
Farmer: 100% of people can be farmers
Miner: 70% of people can be miners
Potter: 25% of people can be potters

In this example, it has been specifically designed to create a skill shortage.  Only 25% of labour can be put toward pottery yet in our previous model:

(Education and Government calculated, no corruption)
Food: 10%
Clay: 10.275242983%
Pot: 68.5016199%
Government: 11.223137125%

We want 68.5% of labour put toward pottery.  We cannot.  It seems our economic pie will be suboptimal.  Okay what happens then?  Where do you put labour that cannot produce pottery?  If we had a more complex model where people could be not-quite-skilled for pottery (and also over-skilled) then we could put those people toward pottery anyway and suffer a decrease in productivity, while giving a very large share of income toward the properly skilled potters.

Typically, in a market style solution, the idea is to pay individuals more for more scarce skills to encourage the maximum number of people into that profession.  That would suggest a large number of people who can choose between professions (at some level of productivity) and then demand an income, for their effort expended, and thus would follow a different model.  This would be more like model number two.

Okay, let's see how that affects our situation.  Let's say that each job has a difficulty level and we've some distribution of skill per level. 

Let's say all populations are generally the same and throughout time remain the same (nothing would magically change humans in this setting) and so the split is always 50% low-skill, 25% medium skill, 25% high-skill.  Okay now let's assign a skill rating per job.

Farming is low skill.
Mining is medium skill.
Potmaking is high skill.

Being over-skilled adds 25% productivity per category (a high skilled individual would work at 150% productivity at a low-skill job).  And similarly, being under skilled is -25% productivity (a medium skilled worker at a high-skill job works at 75% productivity).

We'd like to maximize luxuries after satisfying our basic needs.  We'd also like to be optimal about how we assign our labour so that we get the most goods for our labour distribution.

Let's say, we use the lowest possible skill level that is adequate for a job before turning to other skill levels.

So let's ignore some of the more complex calculations since they do not affect any of the current considerations in this section.  That is, cost of government, corruption, education etc, do not affect how we would assign labour according to skill.  This makes it simple for us to work this into the model.

Original Arrangement from our Simple Model:
Food: 10%
Clay Digger: 15%
Potter: 75%

Well okay, let's satisfy food first.  We're left with 40% low-skill, 25% medium, 25% high.  Okay, let's satisfy our clay diggers next.  We're left with 40% / 10% / 25%.  Now we're left with a situation where if we pile everyone else into pots, now it starts getting a bit complex.  Since most of those workers are below-skill requirements they produce at a lower rate and due to the lowered rate, there is a clay surplus.  So then we have to lower the number of clay workers and shift it towards pot workers.  What is optimal?  Actually it becomes a polynomial of this sort

Total Number of Pots Produced = 2 * Copper Produced
Therefore,
6(0.5a + 0.75b + c) = 2 * 10(0.75d + e + 1.25f)

Where a,b,c,d,e,f are the workers of each skill level used for each industry.  (eg. a is low-skilled workers in pottery industry)

We have six variables and one equation.  The algebra Gods say we're pretty screwed here.  But, we can add in another equation or two, we are trying to maximise this afterall.  Let's say there's 100 people then...

a+d = 40
b+e = 25
c+f = 25

At this point, it's quite literally, let's use a computer to solve this.  I won't bother with coming up with an optimal solution for this, but we could try some linear algebra and come up with a solution.  For now, let's just ignore this and say that a computer can eventually figure out some number.

But we can see that an AI bureaucracy is starting to look more interesting.  At this point the equations are getting difficult enough to justify the use of simple computer tools.  Perhaps not anything with even a soft AI but it's still better to use a computer than a human (or more accurately use a programmer who makes software for a computer to run).

Do we do anything about income?  At this point that question is a bit philosophical but we could base income on effort or to base it on simple average productivity.  The former favours low-skilled workers and the latter favours high-skilled workers.  However, neither favours anybody working below expected productivity (ie. "being lazy", the ultimate horror of capitalists across the globe).

However, those methods have other issues with fairness.  Another solution is to have all income be based against the "low-skill" productivity rate of each industry.  This allows low-skilled labour to earn 100% income no matter their occupation and for high-skilled workers to earn greater than 100% income.  Of course, in the real world, how does one even judge what is high or low skill labour?  We could answer that question later.

Trade


Interesting, many of these topics can be considered separately and then combined into a single model.  With tax and corruption we can "build it into the cost", that is to say that we might say that a pot is worth 12.5% of a person-cycle, but that it actually is 7.5% to make the pot, 2.5% to get the clay and 1% for education, 1.5% for administrative costs.  What we are essentially doing is making it easy to calculate how much labour to allocate to each industry.  We build everything into the cost of an item, to know the "full" cost to produce a single unit of it.  If we imagine for instance that two luxuries each have equal "material happiness" value associate with it, then we would want equal quantity of each produced but we would then know what ratio of labour to assign to each by building in the full cost into each product unit.

For example:

Clay Pots: 12% person-cycle each
Wooden Chairs: 18% person-cycle each

And say we have 60% of our total labour to split between the two, then...

12a + 18a = 60

Therefore, a = 2, then we produce 2 of each, so the labour assignment becomes:

Clay Pots: 24%
Wooden Chairs: 36%

However, there is also an even more intriguing method of considering a cost of an item; trade.

One of the basic components of modern day economic theory is that of comparative advantage in trade.  The concept is simple but contains a lot of academic terms.  We'll explain each in turn.

Each society has a comparative advantage to produce a particular good if they have a lower opportunity cost to do so.  What is opportunity cost?  A careful look throughout the discussion reveals that a person spends their labour producing one good or another.  Therefore, if a person spends 50% of their labour into farming, they are then not spending that time on something else.  The opportunity cost is the next most valuable task that the person could have done with that time.

A comparative advantage exists when the opportunity cost of an item is lower in one society compared to another.  What is interesting is that if you look closely at the math, even if one society does everything better, it can still be in their best interest to trade away one good for another, in order to produce much more of other goods and end up with more in the end.  This is all thanks to opportunity cost issues.

Reusing our example, if we spend 24% of our labour into producing clay pots, we aren't spending it into producing wooden chairs.  We are giving up wooden chairs to get clay pots.  But what happens when there is trade?

You can view trade, in the context of our mathematical model, as simply having a different cost for producing a particular good.  If you are trading for wooden chairs, then the effective/apparent cost of a wooden chair is the cost of the good you traded for the wooden chairs.

For example, let's say that for each clay pot, you can trade a wooden chair.  That means that a wooden chair actually costs a clay pot.  In which case, now wooden chairs cost 12% of a person-cycle, not 18% as it did before.  Imagine, first, that there is no limit to the quantity that can be traded.

Clay Pots cost 12%, Wooden Chairs cost "Clay Pots" which are 12%, the equation becomes

12a + 12a = 60
a = 2.5

Clay Pots: 30%
Wooden Chairs: "30%"

The actual industrial assignment is

Clay Pots: 60%
Wooden Chairs: 0%

Of course there are several things we did not consider here: transportation cost, any additional tax costs (such as tariffs, port docking fees etc), limit on quantity that can be traded (due to quotas or just that there's a limit to how much the other guy can consume).

For taxes, tariffs and transportation costs we could try to build it into the cost of a product.  For instance, if the combined tax/tariff/transportation cost per unit added 2.5% person-cycles to the cost, then the cost of a wooden chair is a clay pot plus 2.5%.

12a + 14.5a = 60
a=2.264150943

The industrial assignment becomes
Clay Pots: 27.17%
Wooden Chairs: 32.83%

We're still better off than without the trade, though not as much as before.  Now if we consider something interesting, it's that of a restricted quantity of trade allowed.  Or perhaps, there's a complex trade network where there are a large number of ways to trade for resources.

The first problem is finding the different ways one can obtain a good at different costs and the quantity it can be restricted at and then finding the optimal solution.

We first rate the "material value" of each product.  Normally, a market solution would be used but this doesn't really tell you the dollar value per material happiness anything gives.  For instance, a marble countertop is more expensive than a granite countertop but which makes people happier?  Of course, material wealth happiness is incredibly difficult to calculate because each person values everything different. 

Let's simplify our issue a little bit.  We will say we do have some method of judging the average happiness gained from each luxury good.  Non-material happiness will be considered later.  This gives us an idea of how to build a good ratio of each luxury we want to provide.  In our example in this section we have clay pots and wooden chairs.  Let's add a third item to make this issue more apparent.  There will now be ivory horns on the market.

Clay Pot = 1 happiness
Wooden Chair = 1 happiness
Ivory Horns = 2 happiness

We could also, rate objects by other aspects depending on what we are trying to maximise, such as health.  We'll also state that a person gains decreasing happiness for additional items of the same type, with a simple monotonic linear decrease, such that what you want is an equal amount of each item.  In simpler terms, that means in our example we want a ratio of 2 clay pot: 2 wooden chair: 1 ivory horn.  The ivory horns are twice the happiness each so we only need half as many.

Now picture a complex trade network.  We can trade clay pots for wooden chairs but we can also trade wooden chairs for ivory horns.  So an ivory horn can be described by its cost in clay pots.  But say there's a limit on how much you can trade between two different societies and at different costs.  You'd get a big equation.

Society A: Takes Clay Pots for Wooden Chairs (only up to 20 pots)
Society B: Takes Wooden Chairs for Ivory Horns (only up to 15 chairs)

Say your actual society has 100 people.  Well let's see what the equation might look like...

Your Society, 60% spare labour capacity for luxuries
Clay Pot costs 12% of a person cycle
Wooden Chair costs 18% of a person cycle
Ivory Horn costs 40% of a person cycle

Normally we would simply have
12a + 18a + 40(a/2) = 60

Let's do the calculation for the whole society (adding up the person cycles), so our total production will be 6000% of a person cycle
12a + 18a + 40(a/2) = 6000

We can trade some pots for chairs instead
12a + (12b + 18(a-b)) + 40(a/2) = 6000
b < 20

12a + (18a - 6b) + 40(a/2) = 6000
Where b is the number of chairs "produced" via trading away clay pots

But we can turn the chairs we just got into ivory horns.
12a + (18a - 6b) + ( 40(a/2 - c - d) + 12c + 18d) = 6000
c < 15

Where c is the number of pots we've traded for chairs that we've then traded for ivory horns.
d is the number of chairs we've produced to trade for ivory horns
Obviously, it is difficult to come up with a solution without using a computer in this case, so we won't bother.  Suffice to say, that if you just did brute force you'd eventually come up with numbers on exactly what to produce to get 2:2:1 ratio of all goods producing the maximum number of goods with available labour.

So what our society might become is something like

Pottery: 50%
Chairs: 5%
Ivory Horns: 5%

And yet, we're actually getting a large number of chairs and ivory horns due to trade.

Research


In the real world, research spending has a completely unknown improvement possibility.  Some fields aren't directly tied with technology, such as mathematics, but enable the ability for new research to occur that can be used to create technology.  Because of the difficulty in judging the improvement gained through research, knowing what to spend on research is difficult.

In a computer game it is simple.  A certain amount of research gets you technologies which give you a known improvement.  But what if the game were designed such that, the amount you research gives you a variable amount of improvement?  All you know is that, more research gets you more improvements and less research gets you less improvements.

There are several methods we can choose to judge the "correct" spending level for research.  We can split research into different categories and they may have different average costs each (cost of materials for the research).

Let's say pottery research could result in nicer pottery or faster pottery production.  Both would affect your economic arrangement (nicer pottery would have higher happiness levels or trade better and therefore you can get more out of the same production level, it might affect trade calculations etc).

So we take a guess at the research level.  We put it at 10% of the pottery industry as research.

We keep it at this level for a number of cycles, say 20 cycles.  We'll see an average rate of return for this investment.  Let's say that we discover that at 10% of pottery industry as research we see a 0.2% gain in aggregate happiness out of our industry as a result of pottery improvements (that calculation is a bit tricky, since with trade and other aspects, we need to see only the total improvement that is directly tied to pottery production).

Then we get into the issue of deciding whether we should increase spending or decrease spending.  This is primarily an issue of short-term gain versus long-term gain.  A compound increase of 0.2% for 10% spending would mean that such a spending level only pays for itself over 47.7 cycles.  That's a pretty long time.

So, next step is to increase or decrease spending levels and watch the change in average rate of return.  We do this and we aim for a 15 cycle return on investment time frame.  In real life, usually the aim is for between 12-15 year return on investment for long-term investments.  We could treat research the same way but of course in real life, the standard deviation and the complex economy makes it nearly impossible to tell what benefits are garnered from any particular research project.

In a market economy, typically, because research spending only sees pay out across a 12-15 year period (or at least that is the time period aimed for), and most entities barely last 5 years (at least from a cursory glance at business statistics), the vast majority of entities will spend 0% on research because it would not make any sense.  Of course, from a high level view of the economy, it means slowed productivity increase over the 12-15 year period compared to an economy that can manage to spend that money.

Plus, research is typically a highly collaborative field of work.  Studies show that most research achieve its discoveries after discussing results with colleagues and having the colleagues challenge results (one of the usual reasons being "errors in data" ignored by a researcher would not be ignored by a fellow researcher of a different project, leading to investigation of the irregularities).  So, what does this mean?  Imagine the economic arrangement of two models.

Industrial Arrangement
Food: 10%
Clay: 15%
Pottery: 60%
Pottery Research: 10%
Clay Research: 5%

From the AI bureaucracy, a portion of people are simply assigned to conducting research.  They do it however they can.  In the market arrangement there are many sets of scientists working in isolation from one another and would in fact never cooperate, if they played within business boundaries.  Of course you can have businesses cooperate to conduct joint research programs but then, in the context of the model, that would be simply be stepping closer toward the AI bureaucracy approach; everybody working together in joint research.

Non-material Wealth


We'll finish up the first stab at this model with a look at how we might include non-material wealth.  In many cases non-material wealth (family health, work stress, leisure time, friends, ability to find romance) are tied with economic health.  That is, direct spending doesn't usually translate into non-material wealth but spending enables people to be able to gain non-material wealth.

For example, let's say it is the middle ages, in which case it was very common for the local lord to spend material wealth for festivals.  This has the immediate benefit of material wealth (people receiving fancy food, entertainers and games) but also has additional non-material wealth for some (ability to find love, although of course in the actual middle ages romance didn't really exist in practice).

In all our previous examples there was an unstated concept, that of culture as a form of technology.  As technology is just an application of concepts, we could technically consider culture as that as well.  What do we mean?  Let's say you have only one known category of non-material wealth.

For example: Family Health

Okay, so now we go into the subject of, how do you improve family health?  Now we say we have certain "technologies" that allow us to improve it.

For example: Festivals

But festivals cost material wealth to conduct.  We'll say our festivals are quite simple.  It involves eating food and looking at some pottery.  Real exciting stuff.  So let's look at a simple economic model.

Industrial Arrangement:
Food: 10% (provides 1 food per person)
Clay: ?
Pottery: ?
Festivals: ?

We'll say that to "enable" the effect of festivals, you must provide at least 0.1 food and 0.1 pottery per person on average.  Anything greater than that doesn't improve the festival, only individual preferences can improve the effect.  We ignore the individual differences and average out the increase in happiness, afterall there's nothing we can actually do about it.  Let's say that once enabled, festivals, on average, provide 1 happiness.

Therefore, 1 pot is equivalent to having festivals, so unless we're unable to even enable festivals, we're better off with producing partial pottery per person to get a partial unit of happiness rather than zero.

We'll say that pots cost 12% of a person cycle, 10% for the pot, 2% for the clay.

First let's enable festivals.
Food: 10%
Clay: ?
Pottery: ?
Festivals: 1% for food, 1.2% for pots.

Now let's try to get as many pots as possible.
Food: 10%
Clay: 14.6%
Pottery: 73.2%
Festivals: 1% for food, 1.2% for pots.

But what if, we didn't have enough labour to enable festivals?  Let's say per person, a festival takes 10 pots and 10 food.

We try to enable festivals but we cannot afford it.
Food: 10%
Clay: ?
Pottery: ?
Festivals: 100% for food, 120% for pots

So instead we simply ignore festivals.

Beyond this, there might be certain considerations such as limiting a "person-cycle" to a certain portion of a person's time per day (say, people are expected to work 6-8 hours per day, average of 7 hours per day).  But, the vast majority is personal preference outside the realm of economic management.  Still, there could be various spending in social programs such as

For example:
Anti-discrimination Education and the associated cost
Religious harmony programs

Well that's it for now.  There's still many other considerations, the largest one being that society changes over time with technological and skill improvements and how we might include this into the model (or how it affects the model in peculiar ways).  We'll also take a look at how the needs/wants of society can be modelled much better than a "I want equal amounts of all possible luxuries".

Friday, September 21, 2012

Housing Policy

This is an extension to previous posts:
  • http://politicallyuntenable.blogspot.com/2012/09/objective-of-housing-policy.html
  • http://politicallyuntenable.blogspot.com/2012/09/landless-housing.html

Taxes in place of property Tax

A property tax is a tax levied based on the value of the land and structures built on top. But if land is no longer traded, then property tax is levied only against the value of the structures built. However, this is hardly the only way to levy tax for real estate owned.

Land Value Tax

In short, a land value tax is based on an estimation of the market value of land based on its potential in residential or non-residential use (whichever is better). This tax ignores any current existing structures on the land, so if it is used "inefficiently", then the land value tax penalises this inefficient use. The idea is that a property tax penalises capital investment (and housing is now in the same category as capital investment).

The idea is to promote market efficiency and eliminate the deadweight caused by property taxes. Because the LVT is charged regardless of development, leaving land undeveloped is highly undesirable as you pay taxes on land that provides no revenue.

The ultimate objective of LVT is lower house prices, more development and higher population density. All of these fit the objectives of housing policy outlined in the previous post.

As an example, Pennsylvania uses this concept to levy a land tax that is much heavier than property tax. While statistical evidence goes to show all of the objectives achieved, there was great difficulty in maintaining proper land assessment across the nine decades it was in use. Some local government would maintain proper assessment that were timely and accurate, others would not. The question is likely what the cost of maintaining proper assessment versus the cost of sub-optimal property tax effects.

Examples in Australia and New Zealand are more compelling, with their use since the 19th century, they've mostly achieved the same objectives.

Statistical evidence in all cases suggests a light to heavy increase in urban development due to LVT.

However, it seems that LVT in practice must also be combined with competent zoning laws and good timely (likely yearly is good enough) property assessment. A variation for no land exchange is that a rent is charged for using land, much like a LVT, either for living purposes or commercial/industrial purposes. Like Australia, there can be a threshold above which tax is levied. The LVT could fully replace property tax.

Government management of land in history

Individual ownership of land in western democracies is a concept developed slowly over the last few centuries with the move toward land titles. This is likely due to the growth of the middle class over the same timeframe and the dissolution of old agrarian economies. Agricultural use of land tended toward community based ownership with informal contract over use between parties (each party could use the land in different ways or at different times). Modern use of land tends toward individual/single family ownership.

It's important to ask the simple question of whether this is desirable and evidence speaks to it generally being a "yes". A more nuanced explanation relates land ownership with modern industrial use of land. Since land is not as directly used for revenue (agricultural output) than in the past, more importance is placed on the structures built on top. Whether it is a software company that owns an office building (and thus, most of its revenue depends on the human capital owned, not the structural capital) or a car company with a robotic factory, the land itself doesn't matter as much except for how hard it is to build a structure there and whether they can hire the necessary labour force from the surrounding area.

So, if the issue now is no longer agricultural output, then land management should likewise change. Governments have largely shifted toward free market mechanisms to lower the administrative cost of assigning land but this has resulted in inner city dilapidation, land speculation (and the associated real estate bubble problems, a phenomena that should be well feared in today's heavily damaged economy from the sub-prime mortgage debacle) and uneven distribution of government services (such as education or road systems).

It's difficult to avoid the "tech park" issue because of the economy of scale that develops from the concept. That is, like businesses which depend mostly on human capital (which is most modern industries such as tech and finance) build in the same area. Then, the talent pool that they depend upon slowly moves into the area which reduces personnel and other operating costs. However, this means that local property prices start to shift dramatically according to the success of any particular industry.

Steel does well? Then the cities with steel mills get a significant spike in property values, the associated increase in tax revenue, increased development which is, as we've seen today, followed by the drop in steel manufacturing revenue and the rapid dilapidation of the neighbourhoods involved in the economy.

But what we see is that the specific location matters little for almost all of these industries, or that there are many locations in which they can exist but they can only choose a few. For instance, steel industry would like to be near water to cool their machinery but there are many bodies of water to choose from, however, they chose to be mostly around the Great Lakes. Another example would be the financial industry. They would like to be near a lot of people and money, so it has developed in locations key locations in each country such as "Wall St" in the United States and "Bay St" in Canada.

With this in mind, what land taxes and property prices should reflect is this reality in which locations matter little but what is on the land matters more.

Price does not reflect land value

If price reflects only the structure built and not the location, it more closely resembles the decision process of most modern industries. Whether you build your investment banking firm in Dallas or in Chicago, what matters are the people working in the building, not the land underneath it. Your investment bankers aren't growing corn after all.

Assessment problems are not likely to be difficult. The real estate industry already separates land price and house price in its analysis of pricing across any piece of property. It would be a bit strange but the change would have individuals pay for property prices but be taxed against land price.

Tax is property agnostic

If taxes on property were levied based only on the land and not the structures on top, then it encourages individuals to build the structure which generates the most revenue on the land. If that is a steel mill then a steel mill would be constructed. If it is a financial firm, then a financial firm is built. A property-agnostic tax would help to prevent discouraging high cost capital investment (like large expensive multi-billion dollar factories).

As a note, although not explored here, it could be worth investigating if property taxes discourages the construction of high cost capital facilities leading to out-sourcing issues in America. For instance, the construction of a ten billion dollar robotics plant to create smart phones also incurs a property tax on ten billion dollars of property value. That would be a major disincentive to construct such a facility in the United States.

As land value tax has been used in practice successfully in nearly two dozen countries for well over a century, it would seem to be a workable concept in areas not using land value tax.

Zoning law effects on property prices

In general, according to the previously stated objectives of housing policy, zoning would be used to increase housing supply to keep rent and property prices stable over the long term. Of course, zoning law is an intricate relationship between a competent bureaucracy and the land needs of the population. Therefore it's a question of good government.

A look at Hong Kong, we have an example of Comprehensive Development Area zoning. In heavily CDA zones, environmental complaints is somewhere between 4x to 6x less frequent, per capita, than areas with no CDA. There was also lessened price variance. Although one of the goals of CDA was to increase property prices compared to non-CDA areas (to reflect the superior urban planning). That is likely to be a complex subject as it likely a result of unfavourable development not occurring close to homeowners that help keeps prices higher than non-CDA zones.

There are some analysis that suggests the United States developed a bottom-up approach, with many different local governments managing various districts, that attempted to hedge the unsustainable cost of urban sprawl through zoning versus consolidation with dense central cities. This creates the implication that American experience with zoning laws was that to promote very high prices and low population density. Then the answer, for American homeowners, is to buy newer and newer development to keep the cost of home ownership low. But, this creates other problematic costs such as environmental pollution due to increased car use and commuting, increased stress and mental issues due to traffic congestion, decreased economy of scale in the use of water/electricity/snow removal and other local services. So, on the converse, zoning law can substantially increase property prices, lower population density and create many problems.

In particular if we look at California, many suburb communities adopted zoning policy in the 1970s to simply prevent new development. The result appears to be very old housing (using the lead paint and asbestos as an indication of age) and exceptionally high property prices despite lower population growth than the rest of America (which experienced lower house price growth). This would be an example of zoning policy working against the stated objective of providing a greater supply of housing and keeping prices affordable (as a percentage of median household income).

Between these two examples there is one very large difference: population density. It can be easily seen that Hong Kong suffers more greatly due to land scarcity than the United States which can expand along the edges of every single city to accommodate more inhabitants. This makes a significant difference in the "need" for zoning laws. Specifically, Americans can constantly choose new development rather than pre-existing housing to alleviate high demand in certain areas. However, this urban sprawl has additional environmental and infrastructure costs. People who live further from central job hubs need to commute to work and add to infrastructure woes whose costs may not be covered by any taxes/fees levied against these new commuters. Further, it also likely that these individuals are purchasing more affordable accommodation outside of a city due to lower income/wealth and thus taxing them more heavily will disproportionately affect the poor (though to what extent is debatable).

For the United States, there may be yet another two centuries of cheap land, thereby delaying the need for any government interference in anywhere but a few key urban centres. This is the same with Canada. So, stopping the trade and sale of land is not likely to make a large difference in prices except in major cities. This fall in prices should be then met with a construction drive. In particular, the United States regularly uses zoning law to restrict areas for higher income individuals, but if this works, then one expects the converse to work. Zoning laws push up housing density to prevent urban sprawl (and the associated environmental and infrastructure costs) and lower housing prices.

Urban Planning, Price Control and Segregation

In the absence of government, the level of segregation (based on statistical data) is likely to become primarily based on class and wealth strata than it does with ethnicity or skin colour. That is, a white community would be willing to accept blacks in their neighbourhood, provided the blacks were of sufficient wealthiness (and past wealthiness in the case of new money vs old money). But, in fact, wealthier individuals have a greater capacity to influence local government in order to obtain government interference to increase the level of wealth segregation in communities.

Likely somewhat ironic, given the tone of the discussion, but less government interference with regards to setting zoning laws in America would actually depress prices in many parts of the country. The primary reason for high prices in California is due to the "high price" restriction in areas such as Cupertino or Palo Alto, a tactic both for the wealthy to be near wealthy and for certain ethnicities to be excluded from the neighbourhood.

But, more accurately, it is the type of government interference that matters. Generally, if it does not match the objectives of housing policy (maximise house ownership, decrease price variance and increase density of land use for environmental reasons) then it should be rejected legislation. Competent bureaucracies can exist but most of these communities would find this type of government policy to be highly politically untenable.

Some aspects that may cause urban sprawl is the requirement for American universities to only select a maximum number of students per school. The expected result, for the rich to obtain more university slots, is urban sprawl to have more schools and thus more slots. This is only a cursory analysis of that policy and so may be inaccurate.

Australia and Canada both consider 30% of income to be the maximum threshold for affordable housing. This considers all costs, CMHC (Canada's housing federal housing agency) is in fact quite strict, as the cost includes mortgage, utilities and insurance (that is, it considers all expenses associated with owning a home, not simply the mortgage). Also, ideally, a family should earn above the statistically defined (by Statistics Canada) low-income cut-off (LICO). The LICO is not a poverty measure and Statistics Canada unfortunately has not been tasked with any particular paradigm for measuring poverty specifically.

Data for 2010, from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (USA), mean before-tax income is $62,481 and $16,557 spent on housing, and total expenditure of $48,109. If we calculate as a percentage of total expenditure (a good measure for after-tax income, tax makes up most of that mysterious hole between income and expenditure), then that is 34.4% of the household budget. This is, on average, above what Canada or Australia would recommend and is a sign of "high" or "unaffordable" housing.

Data for 2010, from Statistics Canada states that average expenditure is $70,574 and of that $20,693 relates to housing ($14,997 shelter, $3773 household operation, $1923 furnishings and equipment). This is at 29.3%, just under the government imposed concept of no more than 30% of income. Actually, that is quite an amazing result; a government program to meeting its objective (go CMHC?).

Data for 2010, from Australian government, indicates that 27% of expenditure is housing, also meeting their objective. From Statistics Sweden, the SCB, housing costs hovers between 27.4% to 31.7% depending on whether you live in sparsely populated areas (cheapest) or metropolitan municipalities (most expensive). Compared with the rest of Europe, Swedish housing expenses are near the highest but they also enjoy the highest quality of housing, so it is likely in line with the rest of Europe.

Australia, Canada and Sweden engaged heavily in assisted housing programs, moreso than the United States, although all countries do so in some aspect. The decreased share of income used for housing in the non-American countries is most likely due to the increased federal expenses involved in housing projects. The United States only a few percentage points higher than the other countries but there is also indication that American incomes are also substantially lower for the middle class compared to Canada, Australia and Sweden (between $20 000 to $30 000 USD lower). Some of that lower income can be mitigated by the fact that many Americans tend to live in sparsely populated areas with much lower cost of living but as the calculation of housing expenditure is in terms of percentage, Americans have lower disposable income both by an absolute measure and a relative measure.

Several major differences arise in the policies between Sweden/Canada and the United States. Housing projects in the United States suffered greatly from the "not in my backyard" political problem, whereas the Swedish and Canadian governments were more forceful about "mixing" neighbourhoods. As a result, housing projects in the United States, much like the housing projects of France, rapidly fell into economic ruin and dilapidation as concentrated poverty caused an economic downward spiral. On the other hand, Canadian and Swedish efforts were highly successful both at increasing home ownership rates but also by placing impoverished individuals into middle class neighbourhoods had increased class mobility. All measures of class mobility for Canada and Sweden are far superior to that of the United States.